Jessica Valenti’s Field Guide to Decoding the GOP’s Paradoxical Abortion Rhetoric
The longtime reproductive rights journalist's new book predicted Republicans' pre-election playbook—in part because they've been using the same one for years. “How many times do feminists have to be right before we start being listened to?” she asked Jezebel.
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At the vice presidential debate on October 1, JD Vance stared directly into the camera and lied to voters that he’s “never supported a national abortion ban” and has only supported “some minimum national standard.” Those, of course, are the exact same thing. Whether it’s a six-week, 15-week, or 20-week “minimum national standard,” that’s a ban on whether and when people can access abortion. Vance has only doubled down on that language since, as has the entire GOP, including Donald Trump.
“It’s fascinating to see them be so open with it,” journalist Jessica Valenti told Jezebel. “They’re not hiding it as well as they used to.”
Valenti has written about abortion and reproductive rights for nearly two decades, and since the Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health ruling in 2022, she’s painstakingly tracked Republican bullshit on the issue. Her newsletter, “Abortion, Every Day,” eventually paved the way for her new book, Abortion: Our Bodies, Their Lies, and the Truths We Use to Win. Valenti says the goal of her book, like her newsletter, is to “help people who might be new to this issue know what it all means.”
Early on in Abortion, Valenti warns that Republicans are trying “to get away with attacking us under the cover of national overwhelm”—with one extreme bill after another, they’re testing and pushing the boundaries of what they can get away with, thinking we can’t possibly follow everything. With five days until Election Day, as Republicans lie about their position on a national ban while paving the way for one, I asked Valenti how she’s processing the repetitiveness of it all. She responded with a question of her own about repetitiveness: “How many times do feminists have to be right before we start being listened to?”
To Valenti’s point, feminists and leaders of the reproductive rights movement warned for years that abortion had become inaccessible to large swaths of the country, and that Roe v. Wade was under threat, while Republicans called them “hysterical.” Still, in 2018, about 60% of voters said they didn’t think it likely the Supreme Court would really kill Roe. But what happened four years later? The Supreme Court killed Roe. And as Republicans expand their women-controlling crusade to birth control, abortion-related travel, fertility technology like IVF, and more, they’re using the same manipulative language they used to pretend Roe was safe to pretend they’ll stop at Roe.
The power of language in the anti-abortion movement is a focal point of Valenti’s book. She begins by laying out how Republicans aren’t just trying to rebrand abortion bans—they’re quite literally trying to redefine abortion itself. For example, at a House Judiciary hearing in 2022, Americans United for Life president Catherine Glenn Foster said that “if a 10-year-old becomes pregnant as a result of rape and it was threatening her life, then that’s not an abortion.” Similarly, the National Review in 2022 argued there’s “a difference between necessary women’s health care”—AKA, an emergency abortion—and “intentionally killing a baby.” It’s simple, really, as Valenti writes in Abortion: “In Republicans’ view, women who want to be pregnant, adhering to traditional gender roles that say women should be mothers, deserve abortions. Those who don’t…are murderers.”
Valenti raises that the anti-abortion movement is also increasingly trying to equate birth control—especially IUDs and emergency contraception—with abortion, teeing it up to be banned and criminalized as well. She offers several key examples, including the case of a Georgia woman she spoke to whose insurance wouldn’t cover an IUD because the company regarded it as a “sanctity of life” issue, and the 2014 Burwell v. Hobby Lobby ruling which allows companies to deny coverage of IUDs and Plan B because they supposedly end pregnancies. (Just to be crystal clear, birth control prevents pregnancies and abortion terminates a pregnancy that’s underway—very different!)
The GOP has been playing this game for years, Valenti writes. State lawmakers have blocked Medicaid coverage of birth control by calling it abortifacients. Sen. Ted Cruz (R-Texas) referred to contraception as “abortion-inducing drugs” during Amy Coney Barrett’s 2020 Supreme Court confirmation hearing. House Speaker Mike Johnson said point-blank in 2013, “The morning-after pill, as we know, is an abortifacient.”